green scum's replacement?
the press list is unchanging
its to be
either
feldstein
bernanke
or
hubbard
all were up
jackson's hole too
hubbard as a " caterer's assistent "
==================================
by the way
despite his Sealtest vanilla aspect
(BA, BS, University of Central Florida, 1979)
my heart is still with
"THE HUB"
why?
well try this '03 knife- hat
on for size
to me wall street water carrying
he's "the louvre museum"
"If the dividend tax cut happens,
you can thank—or blame—Glenn Hubbard.
As the chairman of the White House's
Council of Economic Advisers,
he's widely believed to be the primary mover
behind President Bush's tax-cut package.
Weekly Standard executive editor Fred Barnes,
in the International Economy,
called him "the most influential
chairman of the Council of Economic Advisers
in two decades."
Hubbard has amassed even more power
since surviving the purge
that booted Treasury Secretary
Paul O'Neill
and National Economic Council head
Larry Lindsey
in December.
But by acquiring so much influence,
Hubbard's CEA has lost something, too."
"The CEA's traditional job
is to say "no" to ideas
that make good politics but bad economics "
" Which is why it's worrisome
that Hubbard appears not to like
the CEA's customary party-pooping role.
Instead, Hubbard wants to be a yes man".
"from the start,
Hubbard wanted to do more
than conduct dry academic research
on the effects of proposed policies.
He wanted to be an active player
in formulating and suggesting
specific positions
that the Bush administration should adopt"
Hubbard's fierce advocacy
of specific tax reforms
—both within and without the administration
—has made him increasingly willing
to adopt the administration's p
olitically expedient,
rather than economically sound,
justifications for its proposals.
It's not fair to expect Hubbard
to check his beliefs
at the White House door,
nor is it objectionable
that Hubbard is a conservative economist
—after all, he's been one for years.
The problem is that his eagerness
to enact his preferred legislation
has made him willing to adopt
the bad logic
of the administration's
talking points and spin.
In Hubbard's book,
the best policy is tax reform,
not honesty.
In 2001, he uncorked an economic whopper
in a Washington Post op-ed, writing,
"It is a major fallacy
to praise new spending plans
as stimulus." That's
"not even right-wing economics,"
a former CEA member told the New Republic.
"If an undergrad wrote that,
you'd give the statement
and the logic behind it a D."
For the past few months,
Hubbard has dissembled on a new topic,
this time the deficit's relationship
to interest rates.
Lately he has been insisting
that there is "no link" between the two.
"That's 'Rubinomics,'
and we think it is completely wrong,"
Hubbard said in December.
But Clinton economist Brad DeLong
dug into Hubbard's textbook Money,
the Financial System,
and the Economy to find this quote, among others:
"By the late 1990s,
an emerging federal budget surplus
put downward pressure on interest rates."
Hubbard's textbook even has a handy-dandy
formula explaining the relationship,
which DeLong posted on his Web site.
The honest defense for Hubbard's
preferred tax cuts
—which he does make—
is to argue that,
yes, they will increase the deficit
in the short-run,
but they will also unleash
long-term growth
that will offset the short-term cost.
There's disagreement as to whether that's true,
but with that case,
Hubbard can at least defend himself
with the old joke about economists
—if you laid them all end to end,
you still wouldn't reach a conclusion.
But in addition to advancing this point
, Hubbard insists on Clintonian parsing
about the deficit and interest rates,
insisting that they do not move
"in lockstep" with one another.
Yes, and so what?
There's a broad consensus
among economists
including Hubbard, based on DeLong's reading
of his textbook
that people's expectations
about the size of the federal deficit
affect interest rates.
The debate is over whether
that effect is large or small.
It's disingenuous of Hubbard
to suggest otherwise.
One of Clinton's CEA chairmen,
Joseph Stiglitz,
complained that government economists
—the ones that work for Treasury or Agriculture
or some other specific departmen
t—would adopt dishonest but expedient arguments
in an effort to win favor
for a policy.
Worse, "sometimes good economists
even seem to come to believe
their specious arguments," Stiglitz wrote in 1998.
That sort of thing happens
when people have a vested interest
in the success or failure
of certain policies.
And that's why the CEA exists
so that at least one group of White House economists
is disinterested enough
to provide detached analysis
rather than talking points and spin.
The CEA economists are supposed to
care more about their academic reputations
than the success or failure of specific policies
There's a little bit of myth
to the CEA's institutional self-image
but it's a myth that encourages
its economists to aspire
to a dispassionate ideal.
Unfortunately,
Hubbard's CEA appears
to have discarded the ideal altogether.
Interestingly, despite all Hubbard's influence
in the Bush White House,
the press continues to chatter
about rumors that he's heading
to the Treasury Department
as deputy secretary.
t's a great idea
—the Treasury Department is supposed to lobby
for specific administration proposals.
From there, Hubbard could push
for his vision of tax reform
to his heart's content.
He could be, as Fred Barnes approvingly wrote
, "a player" and
"a lot more than an economist."
And the White House
could have a real CEA chairman again."
------------------------------
do ya see a better
wall street water bag
on the horizon ??
i say
he's
the tops
he's "the louvre museum"
--------------------------------------
power to the tower slutz !!!!!!!
-------------------------------------
Posted by pinky at August 29, 2005 02:55 AM
Thanks for signing in, . Now you can comment. (sign out)
(If you haven't left a comment here before, you may need to be approved by the site owner before your comment will appear. Until then, it won't appear on the entry. Thanks for waiting.)