chomsky : I was attracted to anarchism as a young teenager, as soon as I began to think about the world beyond a pretty narrow range and haven't seen much reason to revise those early attitudes since I think it only makes sense to seek out and identify structures of authority hierarchy and domination in every aspect of life and to challenge them unless a justification for them can be given they are illegitimate and should be dismantled to increase the scope of human freedom That includes political power ownership and management relations among men and women parents and children our control over the fate of future generations (the basic moral imperative behind the environmental movement, in my view), and much else Naturally this means a challenge to the huge institutions of coercion and control: the state the unaccountable private tyrannies that control most of the domestic and international economy and so on But not only these That is what I have always understood to be the essence of anarchism: the conviction that the burden of proof has to be placed on authority and that it should be dismantled if that burden cannot be met CHOMSKY: The general intellectual culture, as you know, associates 'anarchism' with chaos, violence, bombs, disruption, and so on So people are often surprised when I speak positively of anarchism and identify myself with leading traditions within it But my impression is that among the general public the basic ideas seem reasonable when the clouds are cleared away Of course, when we turn to specific matters say, the nature of families or how an economy would work in a society that is more free and just questions and controversy arise But that is as it should be Physics can't really explain how water flows from the tap in your sink When we turn to vastly more complex questions of human significance understanding is very thin and there is plenty of room for disagreement, experimentation both intellectual and real-life exploration of possibilities to help us learn more. CHOMSKY: All misrepresentations of anarchism are a nuisance Much of it can be traced back to structures of power that have an interest in preventing understanding for pretty obvious reasons It's well to recall David Hume's Principles of Governmen . He expressed surprise that people ever submitted to their rulers He concluded that since Force is always on the side of the governed the governors have nothing to support them but opinion 'Tis therefore, on opinion only that government is founded; and this maxim extends to the most despotic and most military governments as well as to the most free and most popular Hume was very astute and incidentally hardly a libertarian by the standards of the day He surely underestimates the efficacy of force but his observation seems to me basically correct and important particularly in the more free societies where the art of controlling opinion is therefore far more refined Misrepresentation and other forms of befuddlement are a natural concomitant. misrepresentation will exist as long as concentrations of power engender a kind of commissar class to defend them Since they are usually not very bright or are bright enough to know that they'd better avoid the arena of fact and argument they'll turn to misrepresentation vilification, and other devices that are available to those who know that they'll be protected by the various means available to the powerful We should understand why all this occurs and unravel it as best we can That's part of the project of liberation of ourselves and others or more reasonably of people working together to achieve these aims. Sounds simple-minded and it is. But I have yet to find much commentary on human life and society that is not simple-minded when absurdity and self-serving posturing are cleared away. ? CHOMSKY: The introduction to Guerin's book that you mentioned opens with a quote from an anarchist sympathiser a century ago, who says that anarchism has a broad back, and endures anything. One major element has been what has traditionally been called 'libertarian socialism'. I've tried to explain there and elsewhere what I mean by that, stressing that it's hardly original; I'm taking the ideas from leading figures in the anarchist movement whom I quote, and who rather consistently describe themselves as socialists, while harshly condemning the 'new class' of radical intellectuals who seek to attain state power in the course of popular struggle and to become the vicious Red bureaucracy of which Bakunin warned; what's often called 'socialism'. I rather agree with Rudolf Rocker's perception that these (quite central) tendencies in anarchism draw from the best of Enlightenment and classical liberal thought, well beyond what he described. In fact, as I've tried to show they contrast sharply with Marxist-Leninist doctrine and practice, the 'libertarian' doctrines that are fashionable in the US and UK particularly, and other contemporary ideologies, all of which seem to me to reduce to advocacy of one or another form of illegitimate authority, quite often real tyranny. The Spanish Revolution CHOMSKY: I'm reluctant to use fancy polysyllables like philosophy to refer to what seems ordinary common sense. And I'm also uncomfortable with slogans. The achievements of Spanish workers and peasants, before the revolution was crushed, were impressive in many ways. The term 'participatory democracy' is a more recent one, which developed in a different context, but there surely are points of similarity. I'm sorry if this seems evasive. It is, but that's because I don't think either the concept of anarchism or of participatory democracy is clear enough to be able to answer the question whether they are the same. -------------------------------------- Is it a coincidence to your mind that anarchists known for their advocacy of individual freedom succeeded in this area of collective administration? CHOMSKY: No coincidence at all. The tendencies in anarchism that I've always found most persuasive seek a highly organised society, integrating many different kinds of structures (workplace, community, and manifold other forms of voluntary association), but controlled by participants, not by those in a position to give orders (except, again, when authority can be justified, as is sometimes the case, in specific contingencies). Democracy take the US, which has been as free as any, since its origins . American democracy was founded on the principle, stressed by James Madison in the Constitutional Convention in 1787 that the primary function of government is to protect the minority of the opulent from the majority Thus he warned that in England the only quasi-democratic model of the day if the general population were allowed a say in public affairs they would implement agrarian reform or other atrocities and that the American system must be carefully crafted to avoid such crimes against the rights of property which must be defended (in fact, must prevail) Parliamentary democracy within this framework does merit sharp criticism by genuine libertarians and I've left out many other features that are hardly subtle slavery, to mention just one or the wage slavery that was bitterly condemned by working people who had never heard of anarchism or communism right through the 19th century, and beyond. Leninism and elitest lefts If the left is understood to include 'Bolshevism,' then I would flatly dissociate myself from the left. Lenin was one of the greatest enemies of socialism in my opinion, for reasons I've discussed The idea that workers are only interested in horse-racing is an absurdity that cannot withstand even a superficial look at labour history or the lively and independent working class press that flourished in many places including the manufacturing towns of New England not many miles from where I'm writing not to speak of the inspiring record of the courageous struggles of persecuted and oppressed people throughout history until this very moment Take the most miserable corner of this hemisphere, Haiti, regarded by the European conquerors as a paradise and the source of no small part of Europe's wealth, now devastated, perhaps beyond recovery. In the past few years, under conditions so miserable that few people in the rich countries can imagine them peasants and slum-dwellers constructed a popular democratic movement based on grassroots organisations that surpasses just about anything I know of elsewhere only deeply committed commissars could fail to collapse with ridicule when they hear the solemn pronouncements of American intellectuals and political leaders about how the US has to teach Haitians the lessons of democracy Their achievements were so substantial and frightening to the powerful that they had to be subjected to yet another dose of vicious terror, with considerably more US support than is publicly acknowledged and they still have not surrendered Are they interested only in horse-racing? I'd suggest some lines I've occasionally quoted from Rousseau : when I see multitudes of entirely naked savages scorn European voluptuousness and endure hunger, fire, the sword, and death to preserve only their independence I feel that it does not behoove slaves to reason about freedom. I haven't actually equated the doctrines of the liberal intellectuals of the Kennedy administration with Leninists but I have noted striking points of similarity rather as predicted by Bakunin a century earlier in his perceptive commentary on the new class For example I quoted passages from McNamara on the need to enhance managerial control if we are to be truly free and about how the undermanagement that is the real threat to democracy is an assault against reason itself Change a few words in these passages and we have standard Leninist doctrine I've argued that the roots are rather deep in bothPosted by pinky at April 27, 2005 06:44 AM
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